Urban Morphology of Dhaka City Spatial Dynamics of Growing City and the Urban Core Essay Example

Urban Morphology of Dhaka City: Spatial Dynamics of Growing City and the Urban Core Essay Urban Morphology of Dhaka City: Spatial Dynamics of Growing City and the Urban Core Prof. Dr. Farida Nilufar Department of Architecture, Bangladesh University of Engineering and Technology (BUET) Email: [emailprotected] com [Paper presented on the International Seminar on The History, Heritage and Urban Issues of Capital Dhaka, on the occasion of the Celebration of 400 years of the Capital Dhaka, Organized by the Asiatic Society of Bangladesh, 17-19 February 2010. Accepted for Publication of Asiatic Society on the Celebration of 400 years of the Capital Dhaka, Organized by the Asiatic Society of Bangladesh, Accepted in June 2010] ABSTRACT: The fundamental morphological characteristics of Dhaka city is described here from a historical perspective. Since its establishment, Dhaka represents domination of an organic spatial character in general. Here in Dhaka, two dominant urban patterns are conspicuous within the successive stages of growth; they are the historical core or old Dhaka and the later development towards the north, known as new Dhaka. Besides, a few planned additions are also featured in this city. Thus, this study identifies that four major spatial patterns are co-existent in Dhaka; they are indigenous and informal developments; colonial and planned interventions. The essential morphological characteristics of these patterns, which are prevalent in Dhaka, are described here. Major discussion concentrates on the global spatial structure of the organic city and investigates the dynamics of its growth and the characteristics of morphological transformations through the ages. We will write a custom essay sample on Urban Morphology of Dhaka City: Spatial Dynamics of Growing City and the Urban Core specifically for you for only $16.38 $13.9/page Order now We will write a custom essay sample on Urban Morphology of Dhaka City: Spatial Dynamics of Growing City and the Urban Core specifically for you FOR ONLY $16.38 $13.9/page Hire Writer We will write a custom essay sample on Urban Morphology of Dhaka City: Spatial Dynamics of Growing City and the Urban Core specifically for you FOR ONLY $16.38 $13.9/page Hire Writer It analyzes the axial maps of Dhaka and determines from ‘integration’ analysis [based on the method of Space Syntax as developed in UCL, London, 1984] that the spatial structure of the organic city has been shaping an urban core which coincides with the functional centers of the city in different historical stages. Thus the spatial dynamics of Dhaka and its core corresponds to a social history which remains as the underlying force behind the spontaneous formation of its morphological structure. . 1. Introduction: The city of Dhaka has arisen more or less spontaneously over four hundred years. In the history, the evolution of Dhaka as a town goes back to the 16th century. With the passage of time the entire city grew in a natural way, although it has some parts which have been deliberately created in the recent past by the designers, albeit in a fragmented way. Its different phases have developed and structured at different historical stages based on the vigour of that particular period of development. Dhaka, the capital city of Bangladesh, has grown from a small Hindu trading centre to a metropolis. Its antiquity can be traced back to 7th century A. D. ; however, Dhaka rose to prominence only after it became the capital of Bengal[1] during the Mughal rule under the Muslims in 1610 A. D. For a long period of its growth Dhaka was confined within the medieval Mughal core. An early impetus in the growth of a new town outside the historic city, however, started in around 1764[2]. In spite of that only after 1906, on the declaration of Dhaka as the capital of the province of East Bengal and Assam, a spectacular development of the city has been manifested in the Ramna green belt outside the historic core in the newer part of Dhaka. Historian Bradely-Birt noted that a modern city has begun to rise. [Bradely-Birt, 1975: 261] This drift of development was impeded several times due to different political and economic reasons. However, after the independence of Bangladesh new Dhaka has experienced a phenomenal growth. Within the successive stages of growth, two dominant urban patterns are conspicuous in Dhaka; they are the historical core or old Dhaka and the later development towards the north, known as new Dhaka. The historic kernel of old Dhaka retains the traditional features it has inherited from the past. The natural endowment of its organic morphology is valued for its ‘indigenous’ urban pattern. The residential neighbourhoods of old Dhaka, locally known as ‘Mohallas’, which were the enclaves of caste or craft groups are considered by many to be a morphological archetype of this historic city. Outside the historic core, the newer part is a post colonial development, thereby sometimes metaphorically understood as a function of modernization. In the newer extensions of Dhaka, similar organic morphological patterns are prevalent which have been spontaneously developed without any rigid planning proposal. In terms of established planning principles the character of these areas is seen as a confused urban sprawl. There remains quite a lot of prejudice attached to these unplanned areas; and they are customarily described as ‘informal’ development. Nevertheless, these new generation organic areas are generally developed according to the aspiration of their inhabitants just like that of the historic city itself. The demarcation of the old and new town was geographically emphasized by the placement of the State Railway line which gave an idea about the existence of the main historic city in the quarters to the south and west of the loop formed by the Railway line. Ahmed, 1986: 99] To some people, to call the historical part old seems to be a general misconception about it; however, there is no doubt about the extensive livability and usability of the older part even in this century, and it is well understood that being a meaningful and living form, despite the loss of official and political patronage, the old city did not fade away but was thrived and enhanced. For this reason it is sometimes claimed that old city is as contemporary as the new city. [Khan, 1982: 1. 1] After traveling around fifty Indian cities including Dhaka in 1915-1919, Sir Patrick Geddes advocated that understanding the past is the first step in planning the present and future. [Spodek, 1993: 256] Geddes further added that The diagnostic survey . . . seeks to unravel the old city’s labyrinth and discern how this has grown up. Though, like all organic growths, this may at first seem confused to our modern eyes, that have for so long been trained to a mechanical order, gradually a higher form of order can be discerned the order of life in development . . In city planning then, we must constantly keep in view the whole city, old and new alike in all its aspects and at all its levels. The transition in an Indian city, from narrow lanes and earthen dwellings to small streets, great streets and buildings of high importance and architectural beauty, forms an inseparably interwoven structure. Once this is understood, the city plan ceases to appear instead as a great chessboard on which the manifold game of life is in active progress. [Geddes, 1919 as in Tyrwhitt 1947: 26-27] The evolutionary layering of urban form and meaning which Geddes uncovered as a town planner needs to be explored in historic studies of Dhaka. This article initially tries to identify the primary spatial patterns existing in Dhaka since its inception. Moreover, it aims to investigate the spatial dynamics of urban growth of Dhaka by analyzing the configuration of the urban grid and the resultant urban form in its historical perspective. It tries to pinpoint how the cumulative process of growth and consolidation has influenced the organic spatial structure of Dhaka. Fig: 1] It also endeavors to reveal the fundamental relation between configuration of space in an organic city like Dhaka and the way that it functions. 3. Urban Spatial Patterns in Dhaka Today’s Dhaka represents a composite form developed through ages. Its fundamental organic spatial homogeneity is interrupted at times by the patches of grid patterns. It is observes that there are five distinctive and co-existent u rban arrangements are prevalent in Dhaka. These can also be marked as ecological units, which are i] the old city ii] Civil Lines iii] New Indigenous or Informal communities; iv] the Planned Schemes and v] the Squatters’ Clusters. The squatters’ clusters are mostly transient in nature. However, the spatial pattern of the other four ecological types is discussed here. [Fig. 2 3] 3. 1 Indigenous Historic Structure Its organic character of the historic part is particularly distinctive with the densely built-up areas in comparison to the looseness of the later developments. Thus, like most Indian towns, the historical spatial structure of old Dhaka remains as the relic of the past. The pattern that exists in the old city is the winding and intricate street network and the walls defining the houses. The streets in the historic part were narrow. They were continuously twisted in and out, and were tortuous to an extreme degree in some places. The dead-end passages sometimes cut deep inside the urban block presenting a series of sharp turns. These were found indiscriminately along both the thoroughfares and the alleys. This pattern is more persistent in old city. However, a few long lines passed through the residential areas, which gave rise to another type of urban pattern e. g. Shankhari Bazaar Road, Tanti Bazaar Road. These were mainly the commercial interfaces of the city; and such areas have no lanes and by lanes as the access are from single bazaar streets. These streets are defined by closely spaced buildings in contrast to the former pattern where buildings are loosely spaced. Thus two distinct urban patterns exist in the old city. [Khan, 1982] However, the urban blocks of the latter type took more usual form of an accumulation of burgage plots whilst that of the former were divided by the dominant system of land holdings into smaller rectangular areas or segments. Fig. 3a] 2. 2. Colonial Interventions Civil lines A general grid pattern with broad traversing streets and rectangular blocks was proposed for the modernization of the historic city of Dhaka by Dr. Henry Charles Cutcliff, a British reformer. A radical engineering approach was needed in order to drive the broad straight streets through the crowded confusion of the city quarters. Although the scheme was not adopted in its entirety, it seems that all the later improvement of Dhaka was essentially based upon it. Ahmed, 1986: 182] In a later period Patrick Geddes was sensitive in dealing with historic areas and emphasized the ameliorative change through ‘conservative surgery’. [Geddes, 1917] Therefore, except in the northern extension of the historic core in and around Ramna area representing an orthogonal grid, the remaining historic city appears as organic. [Fig: 2] Consequently, the colonial city of Dhaka is not that visible as their intervention was limited within the linear civil line development along a few streets and the grid pattern of the Paltan [Cantonment]. Gupta claims that whereas the presidency towns were wholly planned on the grid in Europe, contemporary British Indian towns had only small sections planned, and subsequent growth was by accretion, in an ad hoc manner, by taking in adjacent villages. [Gupta, 1991: 596] However, the civil lines in the sub-continental cities were laid out as the British Precinct in the mid nineteenth century. Minto Road, Hare Road, Bailey Road, and Park Road are such developments in Dhaka outside the historic core. Their arrangement represents a formal and spacious one which is totally different in look from the dense development of the previous time. These were like Victorian suburbs characterized by low-density, horizontal development and broad tree lined roads giving access to a system of large compounds containing spacious single Bungalows in each plot. However, such pattern is being extinguished from the present urban form of Dhaka. 2. 3. New Indigenous Communities Informal Layout Another socio-spatial idiom in Dhaka is that of the upgraded indigenous neighbourhood, such areas like Kalabagan, Kathalbagan, Razabazaar, Mogbazaar, Malibagh etc. [Fig. c] They are labyrinthine mixture of lanes, by-lanes and cul-de-sacks like old Dhaka but wider and less intricate than the older city roads. They seem like the representations of traditional indigenous urban developments in the setting of a modern background. However, the formation of the blocks and main streets mainly followed the proposals of the Master Plan of 1959 and appear as longer and wider lines in the city structure. The inner roads or alleys are again narrow and winding o nes. Mostly they are organic in growth as they generate with the increasing plot division. Land uses are of a mixed type, however residential use gets prominence. The main thoroughfares become the major shopping strips and most buildings are designed to accommodate shops at the ground level. Generally the land use pattern resembles the old city rather than the civil lines. House design combines modern and traditional features in a harmonious blend. They cover the whole plot most of the time leaving narrow strips beside boundary walls as dictated by the planning authority but not like the courtyard houses of the old Dhaka. These popular settlements are very much like the old city development but the planning rules gave them a new look. 2. 4. Planned Schemes Geometric Layout The grid pattern of roads was introduced in the city for the first time in Wari and Gandaria in 1885. The state sponsored planned extensions for the upper classes were contrasted with the unsanctioned, spontaneous, tawdry development in the old city. Comprehensively planned residential areas of Dhanmondi, Gulshan, Banani, Baridhara and Uttara etc. re the successors of this type. Their street layout follows a rigid gridiron pattern with some semicircular arcs. [Fig. 3b] The land formation exerted a little influence on the new development and this why they are found globally to be in some way more logical or imposed upon their surroundings. The high space and service standards and physical designs of these schemes have an aura of Western suburbia, modernity, and status. They essentially follow the civil lines model, though without th e Imperial grandeur. Such planned schemes were generally situated at the fringes when the plans were undertaken; however now a days they are surrounded by the high density low income living due to the increase of population. 3. Spatial Dynamics of Growing City: Urban core and functional pattern in Dhaka Above the levels of technology and economic condition of the population, the patterns of areal expansion and the urban form of Dhaka have been dominated largely by the physical configuration of the landscape in and around the city, particularly the river system and the height of land in relation to flood level. Islam, 1996: 191] Thus the ground plan of Dhaka shows a less systematic form possessing a kind of homogeneity depending on the continued adaptation to the land morphology and also possibly to the culturally derived patterns in the historic core. Thus guided by the natural determinants, however, the demand of its dwellers shaped it as a city of variety. The shifting pattern of land use distribution, mainly that of commercial activities, in Dhaka seems not follow the categories commonly used by the literature of city planning and urbanization for western cities and even specifically for south-east Asian cities. Mollah, 1976: 39] Although it is claimed that the generalized functional growth pattern of Dhaka is concentric around the business districts [Chowdhury, 1981: 15], the character of – Concentric Zones seems not to be applicable here because the phenomena they describe assume consistency and continuity of a feature, whereas Dhaka is characterized by discontinuities of factors and multiplicity of sectors and circuits. Indeed, historians assert that the fundamental source of the life of Dhaka had been determined by political considerations as these have unfolded over time. Ahsan, 1991: 397] In fact, Dhaka faced six major phases of socio-economic and political changes during its evolution. The following part of discussion seeks to understand the morphological changes o f the urban core of spatial structure of Dhaka since historical time by analyzing available maps from 1859 2007 and simulating two previous stages [Pre-mughal and Mughal Period]. Two maps are available from Pakistan period; one is of 1952 at the inception of Pakistan with the indigenous city and the colonial development seen as a whole; and the other is of 1960. Besides, four maps are considered from the Bangladesh era [Maps of 1973, 1987 and 1995 are prepared by the Survey of Bangladesh’, and Map of 2007 is prepared by DCC]. This study tries to pinpoint how the cumulative process of growth and consolidation has influenced the spatial structure of Dhaka at a global scale by using the tool of Space Syntax'[3] as developed by AAS, Bartlett, UCL, London. Here the spatial structure of Dhaka city is modeled with axial lines following the conception of Space Syntax and the axial maps[4] are analyzed with Depthmap[5] to identify the integration core[6]of the spatial structure of the whole city. The brief historical overview has been highlighted the fact that as Dhaka has grown in size, scale and extent, and the distribution of urban functions has evolved and changed according to the dictates of political and commercial considerations. However, it is not clear whether these changes were arbitrary, or whether there was any logic to the pattern of relocation. In what follows, integration analysis by the Space Syntax will explore the way in which urban growth brought about changes in the configuration of the urban grid, and hence in the distribution of integration throughout the city. These purely configurational changes are considered in relation to the changing pattern of urban functions, to see if they relate to one another in a systematic way. This study tries to explore the fundamental relation between the configuration of space in Dhaka and the way that it functions. Finally, it determines the spatial structure of Dhakas urban core and the process of its transformation through ages. 3. 1. Pre-Mughal Hindu Core of Dhaka [before 1608]: Dhaka was a small Hindu trading centre in Pre-Mughal time. As revealed from cartographic evidences the area lying to the east, north-east and south-east f Babur Bazaar going up to the Dholai River on the northern bank of the Buriganga seems to face the old town. It is now thought that Dhaka was confined between the Dholai Canal [on the north east boundary of the city] and the Buriganga River from its inception until 1608, which ushered in the Mughal period. The oldest city consisted of a few market centers like Lakshmi Bazaar, B angla Bazaar, Shankhari Bazaar, Tanti Bazaar etc. along with a few localities of craftsman and businessmen like Patua-toli, Kumar-toli etc. [Dani, 1956: 7] The centre is thought to have been near the Bangla Bazaar. According to Dani, the main business area was in Sadar Ghat and Victoria Park, which had extended upto Nawabpur Road in later part of 15th century [Ahsan, 1991:397- 398]. No detailed maps from this period are available on which to develop an axial model. However, in order to remake the picture of the past, a reconstruction of the Hindu core has been developed here from the oldest detailed map of Dhaka in 1859 [prepared by Rennell]. [7] The spatial analysis of axial map shows that in the pre-Mughal Dhaka, the global integration core was formed with Nawabpur Road-Johnson Road leading towards the Sadar Ghat. It also touched part of Islampur Road, Bangshal Road and Shankhari Bazar Road. This loop like core coincided with the functional heart of the city as described by Dani. [Fig. 4] 3. 2. Mughal Dhaka [1608- 1764]: Dhaka rose to prominence only after it became the capital of Bengal during the Mughal rule in 1610 AD. [Bhattacharya, 1935: 36-63] The then ‘New Dhaka’ was inaugurated by Islam Khan with the establishment of Lalbagh Fort in 1679, Chandnighat and the Chawk [the market place beside the old fort at present Central Jail]; and it continued to grow under the subsequent Mughal Subaders until 1717. Dani, 1956: 31] According to Manrique, a visitor to the city, in 1640 the city stretched for 4. 5 miles along the Buriganga river with a population of about 200 thousand [excluding the Europeans and the visitors] [Taifoor, 1956: 15] which raised to 9,00,000 in 1700. During this period, the needs of administration and defence coupled with flourishing commercial activities led to Dhaka’s growth, and from a suburban town Dhaka became a metropolis. [Khan Atiquallah, 1965: 2-6] In time, Dhaka grew beyond the limit of the Dholai Canal; and the Mughal Dhaka had encompassed the pre-Mughal core. [Fig. ] In 1640 the expansion to the west [to Maneswar and Hazaribagh] and the north [up to Phulbaria, on the fringe of the Ramna area] was significant; besides it’s eastern limit was up to Narandiu [Narinda] [Manrique as in Chowdhury and Faruqui, 1991: 48] Bradley-Birt described as away beyond for fourteen miles, the city stretched as far as Tongi, a vast labyrinth of streets and villages, the camps of armies and all that followed in their terrain [Bradley-Birt, 1975: 159]. However, the Mughal ruins identified the extension of the Mughal city mainly to the west of the Fort and following the river bank. The expansion occurred with the Old Fort in the centre. In this growth of Mughal Dhaka the general characteristics of a Mughal city are noticeable. The Fort served as the nerve centre of the city, and the adjacent market places and the surrounding mohallas growing out of the residential needs follow the well established pattern with winding roads. The areas to the south and south-west of the Fort up to the river bank grew mainly as commercial areas and the areas to the north and north- east grew as residential areas. Chowdhury Faruqui, 1991: 48] The Chawk with the mosque was the main market place of Mughal Dhaka and the river front was transformed into the main commercial area. However, the older part of the city also gained importance by the establishment of European factories in the vicinity of Babur Bazaar and Bangla Bazaar. [Ahsan, 1991: 398] There were two principal roads/thoroughfares in the city. One running parallel to the river from Victoria park to the western fringe of th e city and other ran from the park to Tejgaon[8]. The glory of Dhaka came to an end by the early part of the 18th century with the shifting of the provincial capital from Dhaka to Murshidabad in 1717. In this period the activities of the European traders increased. So the life of Dhaka city was still thriving and it continued in its earlier setting without any farther expansion. [Chowdhury Faruqui, 1991: 52] In the absence of a detailed map of Mughal Dhaka, a second reconstruction was developed during this research based on a combination of historical documents and the findings of other researchers who have tried to define the boundary of the Mughal capital, Dhaka. It too is based on the original map of 1859. The spatial analysis of Mughal Dhaka produced a global integration core along Bangshal Road which was linked up with Nawabpur Road. Thus, in the Mughal period, the integration core lay on the northern periphery of the city seemingly as an extension of the pre-Mughal global core. The historical statement that the Fort served as the nerve centre of the city does not fit with the syntactic analysis; rather the global integration core connected the Mughal centre [the Chawk and the old fort] with the Hindu core [Bangla Bazaar surrounding the present Court House area]. The integration core therefore connected the administrative and commercial foci as described earlier by historians, but seems to leave out the city life on the river side. When the river was also considered as a route, and connected to the street system through its ports the global core has a dramatic shift from the northern periphery towards the river front which reveals a probable importance of the river on the life of Dhaka at that period. [Nilufar, 1997:111] However, the spatial analysis reveals that the integration core of Mughal Dhaka was an extension of the pre-Mughal core. It also connected the Mughal and pre-Mughal functional cores with bazaar streets. However, Islampur Road had not yet gained spatial importance globally. [Nilufar, 1997: 113] 3. 3 Dhaka in the Pre-Colonial Period- Rule of the East India Company [1764-1857]: With the fall of the Mughal Empire in 1707 Dhaka faced a serious decline in economy, population and administrative importance which caused the subsequent contraction of urban area. An English trading company attained political domination and took over the control of Dhaka city in 1764. Most of the commercial activities which survived were carried out in the enclosure of Chawk [Ahsan, 1991: 401]; and the old fort and its surroundings remained the heart of the city where all the central and provincial offices were also located. [Ahmed, 1986: 130-143] In 1800 population of Dhaka declined to 200 thousands, like that of 160 years back. According to Rennell the city was four miles long and two and half miles wide in 1793 which reduced to three miles in length and one and half mile in width in 1814. Mamun, 1990: 49] In 1859, Rennell prepared a map of Dhaka city as extending from Narayanganj to Iron Bridge and from the Buriganga river to Nimtali Kothi [present Asiatic Society]. In this map the jungles indicate a decline in population and a subsequent contraction of urban area. In fact the decline in economy, population and administrative importance brought about shrinkage in the area of Dhaka city. [Fig 6] The axial analysis of the spatial system of 1859s Dhaka depicted th at the city had densely inhabited areas in the pre-Mughal Hindu core extending towards the Mughal centre [the Chawk]. At this period, most of the areas to the west of the Mughal centre were segregated. The global integration core took the shape of a loop connecting the pre-Mughal global core to the Chawk, and also leading towards north [in Purana Paltan area] thus reaching out towards the extending city. The river side also got importance in the spatial structure. This phase might be called the period of unification, when the pre-Mughal and Mughal centres were joined, and projected outwards in the direction of the future city and the river. The most integrated line was Bangshal Road, and the next was Nawabpur Road, the two bazaar streets. Thus, the global integration core largely coincided with the commercial interface which was the focus of the city life. Again, the administrative areas were also linked to the core at its southern edge. In order to avoid the influence of the uninhabited garden areas in the north, the built-up areas of the 1859 spatial structure were analyzed separately but no changes occurred in the picture of integration with respect to Islampur Road. Fig. 8] This might indicate that this bazaar street could not gain any significant global importance in the city structure around 1859. However, Islampur Road and a number of bazaar streets were locally important. [Nilufar, 1997: 112] 3. 4. British Colonization of Dhaka [1858-1947]: The old Mughal town did not expand with British rule, but it underwent a vast physical renewal following no definite plan. This transformed the medieval Dhaka into a modern c ity with metalled roads, open spaces, street lights and piped water supply. Ahmed, 1986:130-143] The State Railway was opened in 1885-86 and the rail line was laid through the city to connect it with areas outside Dhaka. The placement of the railway line gives an idea about the existence of the main city to the quarters south and west of the loop formed by the railway line. However, the building of a new town started beyond the rail road in Ramna. [Ahsan, 1991: 401] However, most of the residential quarters were within the historic core; and the river front and the area near the Victoria Park was a prized location for high class residents. Islam, 1996: 14] An irregular road pattern was prevalent to the south in the historic core; while the grid pattern of roads was introduced in the city for the first time in 1885 in Wari and Gandaria as planned residential areas. Hazaribagh, Nawabganj areas in the western quarter of the city, were developed in the same period as industrial areas. [ Chowdhury Faruqui, 1991: 54-55] Civil lines were also added beyond the city limit in 1906. The British crown shifted the administrative centre from the old fort area, and new buildings were constructed on a new site near Victoria Park, on the present site of the Court House. Ahmed, 1986: 141] From Mughal time the Chawk Bazaar had been the main centre of the citys trade and commerce in Dhaka, and it remained so after 1859. The business areas during this period extended towards the north by way of the Nawabpur Road into Ramna to serve the British bureaucrats who lived in the new town. [Ahsan, 1991: 402] In 1905, in the middle stage of the British era, Bengal was divided and Dhaka was chosen as the capital of the eastern part. [Islam, 1991: 197] Another significant incidence to the city of Dhaka was the foundation of Dhaka University in the vicinity of Ramna in 1921. Early records of the East India Company [1786] describe the city boundary as: Buriganga in south, Tongi in the north, Mirpur in the west and Postogola in the east. [Karim, 1964: 37] Although it was the overall limit of the city by the end of the 18th century, the area lying to the north of Mir Jumlas gate [near Ramna] was very sparsely populated. According to Rennell, the population decline which started from 1764 reached its lowest ebb in 1867 when the population reduced to 51,636. Since 1872 the population recorded a continuous growth. The spatial pattern was changed in this phase by the extensions at the periphery and by an increase in destiny within the built up areas with densely packed, short and tree-like broken lines. In the map of 1916[9], the global integration core was pushed towards the north near the Ramna Garden where the newly-planned, relatively orthogonal grid was being introduced. Thus the most integrated lines were in the area where the old [pre-British] part met the new [developed in the British era], which indicated a change in the social life of the city during the colonial period. [Fig. ] In order to have an idea about the life of the people who were living in the densely built up areas of the old city, the built up area in 1916 was analyzed syntactically without the colonial additions. [Fig . 8] In this analysis, the higher global integration values were attained by the bazaar streets, Islampur Road and Nawabpur Road. Thus the most integrated lines extended parallel to the river, forming a lin ear integration core which coincided with the functional core of the city. It seems that Islampur Road attained its spatial significance in the old city only from the colonial era. . 5. Dhaka as the Capital of Pakistan [1947-1971]: In 1947, the British Colony achieved its independence after two hundred years of colonization and Dhaka attained the status of the provincial capital of the East Pakistan. Unlike many colonial cities in India, the colonial influence on Dhaka could not be claimed as substantial. The overall expansion of the city began from 1947. [Huq, 1991: 428] Administrative, commercial and residential needs caused an influx of people and it resulted in a massive growth of the city. The city expanded mainly towards the north. Dhanmondi area, as previously adorned with paddy fields, lying towards the north-west fringe of Dhaka turned into a residential area after 1955. The Mirpur Road formed an axis and high lands on either side were occupied up to Mohammadpur and Mirpur. The high land available in north-east and north-west of Ramna within different pockets between the previously developed areas like Purana Paltan to Naya Paltan, Eskaton to Mogbazaar, Siddheswari and Kakrail to Kamlapur through Razarbagh and Santinager, Segun Bagicha all came to be occupied mostly by residential use. All these happened without any formal planning. Then the government founded Dacca Improvement Trust [DIT] in 1956 and started planning in a piecemeal manner: industrial district in Tejgaon, New Market in Azimpur, staff housing in Motijheel, high class residential area in Dhanmondi. However, at this stage there was no plan for the future growth. In the meanwhile Dhaka was becoming more and more unmanageable. So a Master Plan was eventually prepared by consultants in 1959 on behalf of DIT. 10] The DIT developed Gulshan model town

The Impressions of Emirati Youths on ISIS

The Impressions of Emirati Youths on ISIS Introduction Research background The ISIS crisis is in its fourth year despite several efforts by the international community for reconciliation. It is necessary to establish the impression of the Emirati youths on the ISIS, since they are indirectly affected by the current military activities of the group in Syria and Iraq (Al-Jenabi, 2008, p. 15).Advertising We will write a custom proposal sample on The Impressions of Emirati Youths on ISIS specifically for you for only $16.05 $11/page Learn More Therefore, this research proposal will attempt to establish the impressions of the Emirati youths on Islamic State in Iraq and Syria (ISIS). Research question and objectives For this research proposal, the primary question is; What are the impressions of the Emirati youths on Islamic State in Iraq and Syria? The objectives of this research are; To establish the perceptions of the Emirati youths on the ISIS group To make recommendations and suggestions on how to view and deal with ISIS Importance of studying the topic Understanding geo-political, social, and economic impressions held by the Emirati youths towards ISIS are important, especially when establishing the contribution of the group on the current Middle East conflict. Through sociological imagination, it is easy to understand behavior change and identify forces: positive or negative, that facilitate the angle of inclination among the Emirati youths towards the ISIS. Methodology Nature of the method This research will be conducted using research survey study approach. Data, which will be collected through one-on-one interviews and questionnaires, will be scrutinized in detail. Through open-ended and closed-ended structure, each question asked will be comprehensive to ensure that respondents have opportunity to give deep answers that provide an insight into research problem solution. Instances of divergent or convergent opinions by one or more respondents will be marked appropriate ly (George Bennet, 2005, p. 29).Advertising Looking for proposal on education? Let's see if we can help you! Get your first paper with 15% OFF Learn More Strengths and weaknesses Questionnaire Based on the survey method, a self constructed five-item structured questionnaire will become imperative. The questionnaire will be prepared to use 5- point Likert scale (Miller, Mauthner, Birch, Jessop, 2012, p. 42). The Saudi youths will express a broad range of opinions in the focus groups on the key issues in the discussion. Strengths Questionnaire provides anonymity to the user and thus gives more honest responses. Information can be gathered from a large number of people. Since the questions are uniform and if the conditions under which they are answered are controlled, then the information gathered is standardized (Miller et al. 2012, p. 43). Weaknesses It is not possible to explain to the respondents any point that they may misinterpret in a question. Giving a pilot test to a few respondents could partially solve this. It is possible for a respondent to be dishonest in case they do not feel comfortable (De-Rada, 2005, p. 66). To minimize any of the on the above weakness, the questionnaire design will use a simple language that is understood by both parties. The time for completion will be reasonable and designed to identify the target population so as to yield useful data for the research analysis and interpretation (Groves, Fowler, Coper, Lepkowski, Singer, Tourangeau, 2009, p. 45). Interviews Adopting semi-structured, open-ended and closed-ended questions interview, data collection through a one-on-one interview is critical considering the scope of the research topic. Strengths The choice of one-on-one interview is based on the rationale of gaining insight on the feelings, opinion, and experiences. Moreover, the semi structured interviews are given room for further probe depending. The researcher is in a position to seek further clari fication on specific ideas and responses given within the interview time. From responses gathered, one-on-one interview makes it easy to scribe clear responses that answer the questions asked (De-Rada, 2005, p. 68). Weaknesses The interview is tedious and time consuming. Interview findings may be biased if the interviewer and the interviewee do not read from the same page. The interview is expensive when the sample space is large (De-Rada, 2005, p. 69). Since the researcher is expected to accord the research project professional seriousness, the willing respondents are likely to reliable, credible, and informed responses to questions asked. Appropriateness of using the method for study The mixture of questionnaire and direct interview will present a number of pre-specified competencies and best practices based on the research topic. The researcher chose the qualitative because the scope of the research is focused, subjective, dynamic, and discovery oriented. Moreover, this approach will create room for further analysis using different and divergent tools for checking the degree of error and assumption limits (Groves et al. 2009, p. 57).Advertising We will write a custom proposal sample on The Impressions of Emirati Youths on ISIS specifically for you for only $16.05 $11/page Learn More Data collection and stages of research This research will target 100 Emirati youths (within the age group of 20-30 years) to establish the common perception towards ISIS. The sampling criterion that will be used in the initial sampling plan represents the true picture of the activities on the ground. The collected quantitative data will be coded and passed through appropriate analysis tool. In the process, cross tabulation will be used to compare and contrast the impressions held by the Emirati youths. In order to quantify the relationship between the independent and dependent variable, analysis will be essential besides figures, charts, and tabular rep resentation of correlation analysis (De-Rada, 2005, p. 65). Validity, reliability, and generalization of results This sample chosen for the survey presents a clear, scientific, and verifiable criterion for systematic analysis. Reflectively, this will permit comparative research especially when qualitative design is adopted to give room for testing accuracy and degree of biasness (Groves et al. 2009, p. 39). The interviews will be conducted by the researcher because of common characteristics of culture, age, and country (George Bennet, 2005, p. 33). The researcher will send the questionnaires to the targeted participants and schedule direct interview with those who are flexible and can afford a fifteen minutes break to answer the interview questions. Ethical considerations During the data collection phase of this study, the researcher will strive to uphold ethics appertaining to scientific research. This will be pursued through inclusion of an informed consent form in the interview and questionnaire, which the units being studied will be required to read understand and consent to before the study commences. The researcher will ensure confidentiality of the subjects by insisting on their anonymity, where each subject will be identified using a unique code as opposed to use of names (Blaxter, Hughes, Malcolm, 2005, p. 44). Conclusion The study will be carried out via research survey since the scope of the research is focused. Through qualitative research, the research will be in a position to carry out correlation analysis of the impressions held by the Emirati youths. The study would be more comprehensive if the impressions were directed towards a single variable.Advertising Looking for proposal on education? Let's see if we can help you! Get your first paper with 15% OFF Learn More References Al-Jenabi, B. (2008). Use of social media in the United Arabs Emirates: An initial study. Global Media Journal, 1(2), 3-27. Blaxter, L., Hughes, C., Malcolm, T. (2005). How to research, Berkshire, UK: Open University Press. De-Rada, V. (2005). Influences of questionnaire design on response to mail surveys. International Journal of Social Research Methodology, 8(1), 61-78. George, A., Bennet, A. (2005). Case Studies and Theory Development in the Social Sciences: How to Do Case Studies. Massachusetts, Ma: MIT Press. Groves, M., Fowler, J., Coper, P., Lepkowski, M., Singer, E., Tourangeau, R. (2009). Survey Methodology. New York, NY: John Wiley Sons. Miller, T., Mauthner, M., Birch, M., Jessop, J. (2012). Ethics in qualitative research. London, UK: SAGE Publications Limited.

The cask of amontillado Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 250 words - 1

The cask of amontillado - Essay Example The narrator was cunning in his use of self-deprecation to keep his victim at ease. Montresor constantly employed stroking Fortunato’s ego and commending his fortune while belittling himself which the latter enjoyed and Montresor secretly disdained. â€Å"You are rich, respected, admired, beloved; you are happy, as once I was. You are a man to be missed. For me it is no matter† (Poe 11). Relentlessly, Montresor put on the show of bowing down to Fortunato and emphasizing their polar place in society. Both born of noble blood, the obvious loss of Montresor’s money and place in society became a source of his envy and spite. But though he may have been suffering from poverty, the inherent conceit of an aristocrat remains with him and throughout the story he hints of an insult that Fortunato committed against him. Though it was not spoken in specific terms exactly what humiliation Montresor had suffered, his lust for revenge was enough to fuel

Case study Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 1250 words - 22

Case study - Essay Example The company decided to retain all its employees. Moreover, it opted to continue with its production techniques which were quality-oriented. Philippines is an Island country which was a Spanish colony. All local people are Christians and use Filipino as an official language although English is widely used especially by the elite. The country gained independence in 1946. Democracy in the country gained ground in 1992 after Fidel Ramos took over power. The president opened up the economy to external investors with the aim of creating employment for the local population. The decision by AmeriTech to relocate to Philippines was aimed at enabling the firm to gain a competitive advantage with the lower labor costs in the country and easy access to emerging markets in Asia. The only employee who was transferred to Philippines was William Bill Dawson. Although he was intelligent, he never attended college. However, he was able to move to positions and secure the topmost position in Ameritech. The transition was easy but, some changes in the production process were needed. During the startup period, the company offered the unused employees their normal salaries. Many employees were happy with the working conditions under their new employer. Bill was assigned Miguel in order to help him with cultural difficulties that might face him in the new country. Miguel was not trusted by the employees because of his background. Unlike Bill, he was not close to the employees. In addition, he was not happy with the fact that he was living far away from his family. After acquisition, production levels remained low. Bill discovered that the employees wasted a lot of time by having extended breaks and endless chats. In addition, the employees would engage in activities that were not related to their work, eg birthday parties for some employees. However, Miguel informed bill that this was part of Filipino

Comparison and Contrast of three essays Essay Example for Free

Comparison and Contrast of three essays Essay We all know that education is one of the most important things in human life. A person needs to be educated in order to have a good future ahead of him. However, there are people who are less fortunate when it comes to education because they cannot afford to come to school. Today, learning is not a matter of gift to share but a wealth for some because they use education to gain money and not the aim of education for people. Because of these scenarios, some people hide their feelings of guilt and pity through text – some of them are Nock, Vetter, and Mitchell.   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚   Nock’s perception of education in his article entitle â€Å"The Disadvantages of Being Educated† is opposite from the dictation of the society that education will lead to a better future. For Nock, education will lead to dissatisfaction of man. If a man is educated, he will search for more and would not be contented in what he has. He will continue to ask for more even if he has a good status in the society; he will seek for more fame and richness. Therefore, he would rather not be educated and live a simple and normal life rather than having a well-educated mind but not contented with everything.   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚   Vetter’s perception of writing on the other hand in his article entitle â€Å"Bonehead Writing† is odd. He used to observe people who want to learn how to write a good text, letter, or even a good paragraph because he perceived that writing is innate and not something that can be learn for it is very hard especially for less fortunate and uneducated people. Once a person survived in a writing class, it is like surviving its life in the forest. For him, whether you take minutes, hours, or days of writing, it will still be senseless if you do not have the capability or the â€Å"gift† of writing.   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚   In the article of Mitchell, he showed the true meaning of hunger – not the hunger of stomach but the hunger of mind. Many of the people in America is illiterate, though it is a first world country, there are still people who are uneducated that are unable to read and write. This kind of situation made him feel uncomfortable because America is known for being the first world country. However, he focused his attention to the problem of educators because they are the one who took place and authority in teaching and educating the people preferably the students.   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚   These three authors of the said articles have different attack in their writing but their similarity is their purpose in their essay. All of them want to impose the needs and present situation of education not only in the United States but in the whole world as well. Nock relates his essay to the uneducated or less educated people because his attack is for educated people, it is a bias perception of the author towards the uneducated people can somehow help but not as always. Vetter’s attack focused on the needs of writing. He wants his readers to feel the incapacity of some people in writing. Through his ideas, his aim for change is not thoroughly established because he made the article too light to handle and because of this, readers would take it as an entertainment than being an educated article. On the other hand, Mitchell is the most serious writer of them all. Mitchell focused his full attention to the real situation of the world, though he wants to focus on America’s problem, it also relates to the problem of different countries. Mitchell’s attack towards the educators and other factors do not make a problematic argument because he delivers his perception and notion of hunger in a factual form.   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚   As a whole, they delivered well what they want to utter to the readers. They are different attacks but their aim are similar from one another, one of them bought entertainment while educating the readers, one takes the situation in academic environment with a light scenario, and one is serious in what he state. All of them made a revelation of what is happening, but the problem is that they do not state the possible solutions to the problems they have encountered. Reference Name. (date). Title. Publisher

Drug Abuse Essays -- Illegal Drugs Addiction

Drug abuse is a widespread problem that makes individual drug users the prime victims. But drugs also affect all of us, wherever we live and whatever we do. Drug abuse can cause serious physical and mental deterioration. The problem can tear apart the family structure and make it hard for learning. Difficulties on the job due to drug abuse make it hard for employers to run their businesses. Stealing form employers or from individuals to get money from for drugs causes pain and economic loss to the victims. Arrests and jailing of drug users and dealers puts a strain on law enforcement officials and the criminal justice systems; the cost to taxpayers is enormous. The millions of dollars spent on illegal drugs in America encourage criminal activity and ribs the government of tax revenues. For all these reasons and many more the subject of drug about is extremely important. As a way of considering this vast subject, experts have classified the drugs according to their primary effects on the bay. Thus, the eight basic drugs classifications are: antidepressants, anti-anxiety tranquilizers, anti-psychotic tranquilizer, cannabis, hallucinogens, narcotics, sedative/hypnotics, and stimulants. Antidepressant drugs are substances that improve a person’s mood and are commonly used in the treatment of depression. Depression is a psychiatric problem that is characterized by a loss of interest in the most aspects of life, a slowing-down of activity, a feeling of worthlessness, and sometim...

Industrial Design

Industrial design is an applied art whereby the aesthetics and usability of products may be improved for marketability and production. The role of an Industrial Designer is to create and execute design solutions towards problems of engineering, usability, marketing, brand development and sales. Definition of industrial design General Industrial Designers are a cross between a mechanical engineer and an artist. They study both function and form, and the connection between product and the user. They do not design the gears or motors that make machines move, or the circuits that control the movement.And usually, they partner with engineers and marketers, to identify and fulfill needs, wants and expectations. In Depth â€Å"Industrial Design (ID) is the professional service of creating and developing concepts and specifications that optimize the function, value and appearance of products and systems for the mutual benefit of both user and manufacturer. † According to the IDSA (Ind ustrial Design Society of America) Design, itself, is often difficult to define to non-designers because the meaning accepted by the design community is not one made of words.Instead, the definition is created as a result of acquiring a critical framework for the analysis and creation of artifacts. One of the many accepted (but intentionally unspecific) definitions of design originates from Carnegie Mellon's School of Design, â€Å"Design is the process of taking something from its existing state and moving it to a preferred state†. This applies to new artifacts, whose existing state is undefined and previously created artifacts, whose state stands to be improved.According to the (Chartered Society of Designers) design is a force that delivers innovation that in turn has exploited creativity. Their design framework known as the Design Genetic Matrix (TM) determines a set of competences in 4 key genes that are identified to define the make up of designers and communicate to a wide audience what they do. Within these genes the designer demonstrates the core competences of a designer and specific competences determine the designer as an ‘industrial designer'.This is normally within the context of delivering innovation in the form of a three dimensional product that is produced in quantity. However the definition also extends to products that have been produced using an industrial process. Industrial design is rapidly becoming an obsolete term as ‘products' can now be industrially produced as ‘one-offs' by the use of Rapid Prototyping Machines. In a post-industrial era and with the emergence of strategic design definitions such as this are incumbering designers and the advancement of design practice.According to the ICSID, (International Council of Societies of Industrial Design) â€Å"Design is a creative activity whose aim is to establish the multi-faceted qualities of objects, processes, services and their systems in whole life-cycles. Therefore, design is the central factor of innovative humanization of technologies and the crucial factor of cultural and economic exchange. Process of design Although the process of design may be considered ‘creative', many analytical processes also take place. In fact, many industrial designers often use various design methodologies in their creative process.Some of the processes that are commonly used are user research, sketching, comparative product research, model making, prototyping and testing. These processes can be chronological, or as best defined by the designers and/or other team members. Industrial Designers often utilize 3D software, Computer-aided industrial design and CAD programs to move from concept to production. Product characteristics specified by the industrial designer may include the overall form of the object, the location of details with respect to one another, colors, texture, sounds, and aspects concerning the use of the product ergonomics.Addition ally the industrial designer may specify aspects concerning the production process, choice of materials and the way the product is presented to the consumer at the point of sale. The use of industrial designers in a product development process may lead to added values by improved usability, lowered production costs and more appealing products. However, some classic industrial designs are considered as much works of art as works of engineering: the iPod, Coke bottle, and VW Beetle are frequently-cited examples.Industrial design has no focus on technical concepts, products and processes. In addition to considering aesthetics, usability, and ergonomics, it can also encompass the engineering of objects, usefulness as well as usability, market placement, and other concerns such as seduction, psychology, desire, and the sexual or affectionate attachment of the user to the object. These values and accompanying aspects on which industrial design is based can vary, both between different sch ools of thought and among practicing designers.Product design and industrial design can overlap into the fields of user interface design, information design and interaction design. Various schools of industrial design and/or product design may specialize in one of these aspects, ranging from pure art colleges (product styling) to mixed programs of engineering and design, to related disciplines like exhibit design and interior design. Also used to describe a technically competent product designer or industrial designer is the term Industrial Design Engineer.The Cyclone vacuum cleaner inventor James Dyson for example could be considered to be in this category (see his autobiography Against The Odds, Pub Thomson 2002). Industrial design rights Industrial design rights are intellectual property rights that make exclusive the visual design of objects that are not purely utilitarian. An industrial design consists of the creation of a shape, configuration or composition of pattern or color , or combination of pattern and color in three dimensional form containing aesthetic value.An industrial design can be a two- or three-dimensional pattern used to produce a product, industrial commodity or handicraft. Under the Hague Agreement Concerning the International Deposit of Industrial Designs, a WIPO-administered treaty, a procedure for an international registration exists. An applicant can file for a single international deposit with WIPO or with the national office in a country party to the treaty. The design will then be protected in as many member countries of the treaty as desired.